{"id":4205,"date":"2026-04-24T10:00:00","date_gmt":"2026-04-24T10:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ntvlive.net\/?p=4205"},"modified":"2026-04-24T11:21:07","modified_gmt":"2026-04-24T11:21:07","slug":"thinking-about-the-legal-top","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ntvlive.net\/en\/thinking-about-the-legal-top\/","title":{"rendered":"THINKING ABOUT CAMEROON'S LEGAL SUMMIT BEYOND THE MANEUVERING ABYSS OF MEN"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Professor Jean Calvin ABA'A OYONO<br>(University of Yaound\u00e9 II)<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"h-1-le-pre-requis-de-la-qualite-du-droit-public\">1- The prerequisite of public law quality<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>The papal visit episode,<br>from April 15-18, 2025, has imposed a truce in the soap opera of the incandescent<br>revision of the Fundamental Law, also called, in the technical language of law, the<br>Constitution. A return to scientific hostilities is a matter of conscience.<br>then topical. The institutional storm has hardly subsided in our country.<br>political environment of usury strategy. Fundamentalist doctrine a la<br>and has no intention of giving up. Legal science thinks and appears as<br>the beacon that illuminates dark, debasing contortions.<br>Two seemingly innocuous postures provide the pretext, because you need to know<br>reading through the lines. The warning signs of this regime's stories are misleading<br>rarely a matter of conjecture. The temptation of monarchical transmission of power<br>mischievously into the Republic, even though it is formally enshrined. It is emerging<br>on the near horizon. On the one hand, on the occasion of the mass said by Pope<br>at Yaound\u00e9's 101 air base, Franck BIYA, who has no official position<br>was seated in the very first place in the ministerial lodge, well<br>before the Minister of State, Minister of Justice, Keeper of the Seals and other members<br>who were sitting in the background. On the other hand, during<br>on the Sunday program Club d'Elites on vison 4, Georges BAONGLA declares: \u00ab <em>the<br>The position of Vice-Chairman cannot go to the neighbor's son. It must go to the<br>presidential family<\/em> \u00bb. Expressing yourself openly or without gloves on<br>revives the unfortunate memory of the courtier Jacques FAME NDONGO who, at<br>In March 2025, on the occasion of a program on Actualit\u00e9 Hebdo, he declared that \u00ab <em>the<br>Paul BIYA's succession is part of a biological logic, if not a political one.<br>policy<\/em> \u00bb.<br>Institutions transcend human lifetimes. In other words,<br>this formula means that the constitutional rules for the devolution of power, the<br>the status of rulers and the boundaries of state functions have survived the<br>individuals in forced transit on earth. All processes of formation and reformation<br>of constitutional law should, in so doing, rid itself of the idea of yielding to the diktat of the<br>political, deliberately distracted from the popular base, and the egocentric cup<br>made-to-measure. The future of\u00ab <em>res publica<\/em> \u00bbpublic thing that is the<br>Republic, and not that of the person of the leader, his thurifer or his<br>is the only game in town.<br>From this panoramic, non-partisan point of view, a kind of positivism<br>The public law doctrine's conscience is forced to take a critical look. The platitude of<br>observations, as well as simple institutional x-raying, do not provide any<br>added value to solving the problem of developing the canons of<br>Governance. These scientific options have no place in the discourse zone.<br>libertine. The science of law doesn't take kindly to compromising heaviness. Visit<br>freethinker is the very one who throws off the shackles of his firmness.<br>reasoning. Optimal use of university franchises entails the following posture<br>often glorious anarchism from the pulpit. To oppose institutions, not<br>to consolidate them, with a pleasant, convenient impulse, to appear as a watermark,<br>as a vulgar instrument at the service of power, is the indispensable credo of<br>any holder of scientific power. The organic intellectual militates for his cause<br>personal calculation of administrative income situations. But it's important to cultivate<br>an elevation of the spirit with a view to positively changing the environment in which<br>we bathe.<br>Is it reasonable to allow knowledge to be abused for the sole purpose of<br>consolidate a set of standards that are organizing the crisis in public law, by giving impetus to<br>and institutional reform? Do we care about the fundamental rights<br>and the imperative need for a new approach to our business.<br>limitation of power to curb dictatorship or the embasilment of the<br>democracy? It follows from the foregoing that the quality of public law, and more<br>specifically of constitutional law, is highly controversial.<br>largely depends on the refusal of any form of thought police. The evaluation of<br>the coherence and relevance of institutions, without fear or weakness.<br>The key is to stay riveted to the quest for the truth.<br>institutional grail. To deviate from this resolutely<br>is nothing but the ruin of the soul in the light of the premise of the attack<br>against constitutional law.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"h-2-les-germes-de-l-attentat-contre-le-droit-constitutionnel\">2- The seeds of an attack on constitutional law<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>A remarkable arrangement recurs, like an antiphon or a symphonic sonority, in the<br>constitutional dynamic of independent Cameroon. Article 5,<br>old and new of the fundamental law, \u00ab <em>the President of the Republic...keeps watch<br>respect for the Constitution<\/em> \u00bb. It therefore appears as the guarantor of the<br>harmonious operation of public authorities. The Constitution is the standard<br>apex of the state. It stands at the pinnacle of the legal order. Any<br>This erosion inevitably weakens the normative edifice. The boldness displayed by<br>Supreme Court, ruling in place of the Constitutional Council, which put an end to the<br>time and incredible scalability for its implementation, is proof enough<br>that the destruction of the constitutional summit did not fall from the sky. It has<br>paradoxically begun by the President of the Republic.<br>Appreciating the photograph of a jurisprudence bud is useful for those who<br>wants to grasp the seeds of institutional self-flagellation. The Constitution empowers<br>the Constitutional Council to proclaim the results of the election of deputies, at its<br>article 48, paragraph 1, while article 50, paragraph 1 stipulates that its \u00ab <em>decisions...are<br>not subject to appeal. They are binding on the public authorities and on all<br>administrative, military and legal authorities, as well as to any person<br>physical or moral <\/em>\u00bb.<br>As the year 2020 draws to a close, the law governing the company will be amended.<br>rules of procedure of the lower house, the National Assembly. The imperative<br>internal administrative procedure for validating deputy status instituted in<br>to further consolidate the regularity of the mandate conferred at the end of the<br>proclamation of electoral gains and results, had been the subject of a<br>self-referral to the Court. The jurisprudential extension of the right of referral led, for<br>For the first time, the contentious dynamics of the review of the constitutionality of the<br>law to the declaration of unconstitutionality: \u00ab <em>the validation procedure provided for by<br>the rules of procedure of the National Assembly in the law passed and examined by<br>the Council appears as an a posteriori control of the Council's decision<br>Constitutionnel declaring elected the candidates to the legislative election. That such a<br>procedure in force prior to the creation of the Constitutional Council by the<br>Constitution of January 18, 1996 is no longer relevant in its current form...<br>As a result of the foregoing, the provisions of the internal regulations<br>on the validation of mandates... are not in conformity with the provisions of<br>the Constitution of the Republic of Cameroon<\/em> \u00bb.<br><br>However, in order to experiment with regrets that are detrimental to the construction of<br>the rule of law and pluralist democracy, the President of the Republic had<br>ensured the full promulgation of the unedited law, rather than the one<br>including jurisdictional grooming, in flagrant or manifest violation of<br>the Constitution, which stipulates, in Article 50, paragraph 2, that \u2019.\u00ab <em>a declared decision<br>unconstitutional may not be promulgated or implemented <\/em>\u00bb. VAR<br>in the field of sport, by FIFA, inspired the idea of flashing this<br>an unbelievable breach of political law. Public opinion is thus<br>witnessed by the fact that the institutional guarantor of the fundamental law is sinking but<br>the gravedigger, torpedoing his constitutional obligation to which he was<br>had no regard for. The fiddling of the Constitution and the passage by force<br>The genesis of these consequential changes can be traced, more or less remotely, to this mania for the<br>President of the Republic to place himself above the Constitution and the Constituent Assembly<br>that is the people, thus expressing the latter's quality of making the<br>constitution. This irregular practice of the Constitution makes the president of the<br>Republic is the de facto sovereign, not the de jure sovereign, who falls victim to the<br>banishment. The vacillation of constitutional law observed during the<br>parliamentary revision of April 4, 2026 is no more and no less than a trend towards<br>confiscation and patrimonialization of power. Visit<br>President of the Republic is, in other words, the identified author of the decline of the<br>constitutional law by its mania for keeping it under wraps. Naive would be all<br>an observer of the legal scene who says he is surprised by the constitutional revision<br>consummated on the sidelines of any national debate paving the way for a referendum.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"h-3-la-crise-du-droit-constitutionnel-en-contexte-de-retention-de-la-souverainete-originaire\">3- The crisis of constitutional law in the context of the retention of the<br>original sovereignty.<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>Rediscovering the debate on the stormy constitutional revision is a duplication of effort without glory. The consecration of a three-headed executive, precisely with the post of Vice-President, then of functional continuity in<br>of the president's institutional retirement, propelling the demigod a<br>the supreme scale of the presidential god, were the high points. What remains<br>simply to establish, in doctrine, the normative stumbling blocks or knockers<br>which have unfortunately been shattered by the forcing of the \u00ab <em>owner <\/em>\u00bb<br>of Cameroon, supported by a parliamentary majority that is obese, in tow and<br>performer. The history of political institutions is thus archived for posterity.<br>younger generations.<br>Many of the Constitution's provisions, when brought into line with one another, give the<br>unique status to the President of the Republic. He is the beneficiary of the legitimacy<br>or that it derives its power from the majority votes cast at the ballot box.<br>The Vice-President, appointed by presidential decree, is not a member of the Executive Board.<br>by the people, is the grain of sand that prevents the normative fluidity of<br>departure, thereby making the object of the revision unconstitutional.<br>\u00ab <em>The Republic of Cameroon...is <\/em><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><em>democratic<\/em> <\/strong><\/span>\u00bbArticle 1 states,<br>subparagraph 2, paragraph 2. In the following article 2 (new), paragraph 2, it is clearly stated that<br>prescribes that \u00ab<em> the authorities in charge of running the State derive their powers from<br>people through <span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong>elections <\/strong><\/span>by direct or indirect universal suffrage, except where otherwise provided by law.<br>contrary to the Constitution<\/em> \u00bbThis exception refers to the parallel nomenclature<br>authorities appointed by the President of the Republic in accordance with articles<br>8, paragraph 10, and 10, paragraph 1. \u00ab <em>The President of the Republic(is)...<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong>elected <\/strong><\/span>of the nation<br>in its entirety...<\/em> \u00bbArticle 5 (new), paragraph 2. Article 6 (new),<br>paragraph 1, \u00ab <em>The President of the Republic is <strong><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\">elected <\/span><\/strong>by direct, equal and universal suffrage<br>secret, by a majority of votes cast<\/em> \u00bb. Article 7 adds, in the words of<br>paragraphs 1 and 2: \u00ab.\u00ab<em> (1) The President of the Republic <strong><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\">elected <\/span><\/strong>goes into operation as soon as<br>oath of office. (2) He shall take the oath before the people of Cameroon of which he is<br>the direct, exclusive emanation and beneficiary of its mandate <\/em>\u00bb. Article 63 of the<br>The Constitution also states: \u00ab <em>no revision procedure can be used if<br>it affects the form <span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong>republican <\/strong><\/span>and <span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong>to the principles<br>democratic principles that govern the Republic<\/strong><\/span><\/em> \u00bb. Normative instruments<br>duly ratified by the State of Cameroon, form part of the bloc of international<br>constitutionality or enrich this area of domestic public law. For example, the<br>The African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance contains two main principles.<br>key provisions related to those mentioned above. In article 3.7: \u00ab <em>States Parties<br>undertake to implement the present charter in accordance with the following principles<br>the following: rejection and condemnation <strong>unconstitutional changes<br>government<\/strong> <\/em>\u00bb. Article 23.5 continues: \u00ab <em>The States Parties agree that<br>the use, among others, of the following means to access or maintain the site<br>power constitutes an unconstitutional change of government... everything<br>amendment or any revision of the Constitutions... which undermines the principles<br>from <strong>democratic alternation<\/strong><\/em> \u00bb.<br>Last but not least, and this is an important legal argument, we note that<br>that a mandate entrusted to the President of the Republic, by swearing an oath before<br>this people on November 06, 2025, a part of whose social contract is to be found<br>unilaterally modified by instituted transfer of power to a vice-president<br>the following year, when he had not previously been elected on the same ticke<br>a sleight of hand that violates the constitutional path according to<br>which \u00ab <em>the law cannot be retroactive<\/em> \u00bb. Two different situations,<br>in time, are governed by equally sequenced texts. The law does not<br>providing that for the present and the future, the new revision of the constitution<br>unilaterally configuring the duo to structure the presidency of the<br>Republic cannot be applied to the previous situation of presidential exclusivity.<br>conferred by the collective mandate of an entire people. The constituent does not<br>expressly established a derogation from democratic legitimacy in this area.<br>specifically concerning the vice-president appointed by decree of his superior<br>hierarchy.<br>A reading of the Constitution reveals a twofold reality. The<br>functional path of the vice-president will not, at any sequence, have established its<br>encounter with the principal, the people. Insistence or repetition is the mother<br>pedagogy. In the same way, it's incongruous to say that he lends<br>oath before the people, who never appointed him as their representative. This transfer to<br>forceps of sovereignty is precisely the snag that installs unconstitutionality, because<br>the President of the Republic cannot transfer to a third party the sovereignty that the<br>directly conferred on it by election. It is the disposition to<br>the constitution does not grant it. And Cameroonian constitutionalism<br>is accustomed to this blatant lack of structural rigor. Passage en force<br>the Constitution as an instrument of presidential devotion, revives the<br>the memory of the April 2008 forfeit. Lifting the lock on term limits<br>had surreptitiously intervened in violation of the tripartite's political agreements,<br>thus putting an end to the political circulation of presidential elites. This quest<br>the unbridled confiscation of power by the CPDM alone, seems a lesser evil.<br>wrong if we direct the gaze of untrained eyes towards the president's unjusticiability<br>of the Republic. Article 53 (new), paragraph 3, stipulates that \u00ab.\u00ab <em>actions taken<br>by the President of the Republic, pursuant to articles 5, 8, 9 and 10 above,<br>are covered by immunity and will not give rise to any liability on its part at the end of the contract.<br>its mandate<\/em> \u00bb. In the British monarchy, it was a principle that \u00ab<em> the<br>King can not do wrong <\/em>\u00bb. The result was irresponsibility. The transposition of<br>this principle in a republican sphere is a legal heresy that does little to disguise how little<br>consideration given to the Constitution and its purpose, which is to limit the<br>power and the correlative imperative of accountability. The business<br>presidential election is inextricably linked to the posture of the accountable citizen.<br>to the peoples who have chosen him, through the justice that is dispensed in his name.<br>Authoritarianism is out in the open. And this kind of drift deserves to be exposed.<br>orbit in connection with the promulgation of the problematic revision law.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"h-4-la-derive-autoritaire-par-l-instrumentum-ou-la-forme-de-promulgation-de-la-loi-constitutionnelle\">4- Authoritarian drift through the instrumentum or form of promulgation<br>of the constitutional law.<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p id=\"h-\">The passage en force has had its octopus effect in holding<br>all citizens by the throat, as was to be expected in our system.<br>politics. The revision is drunk to the dregs. Nevertheless, it is clear that<br>on the roots of the legal drama that is the scouring or grilling use of the<br>promulgation technique. The procedural background defies all known limits of<br>the transgression of public law. And it's time to get to the bottom of it, because we thought we were<br>to the era of royal absolutism in France, during which the<br>monarch exercised, alongside the executive function, all the power of the state.<br>by issuing the Edict. The authoritarian drift is illustrated by the enactment of<br>of the constitutional revision law, in place of the presidential<br>constitutionally competent or empowered.<br>Paragraphs 1 and 3 of Article 31 of the Constitution set out two important points<br>modalities by which we retain the essence of the procedure: \u00ab<em> (1) The Chairman of<br>the Republic promulgates the laws passed by Parliament...(3) Promulgation<br>is published in the Official Journal of the Republic in French and English.<\/em> \u00bb.<br>Two peripheral observations should be made at the outset. Using the<br>formula \u00ab <em>promulgation of laws<\/em> \u00bbThis is an obvious legal impurity. The<br>after plenary debates and voting operations, parliament adopts<br>draft or proposed legislation, as the legislative standard is only matured at its<br>promulgation. Only the draft or proposal debated is adopted by vote. At this<br>At the stage of the legislative procedure, the law, in the strict sense of the term, does not exist.<br>This observation remains valid in the light of article 26, paragraph 1, which states that<br>states: \u00ab <em>the law is passed by parliament<\/em> \u00bb. The vote of the people's elected representatives is<br>a transitional stage leading to the formalization of the final text. Drafting a<br>Constitution or any rule of law undoubtedly requires the art of drawing.<br>\u00ab <em>Nemo censetur ignorare legem<\/em> \u00bb. Every citizen is entitled to be informed of the lex<br>(law) that produces legal effects for it. And the means indicated, the one that binds<br>the addressee, is to search for the Journal Officiel, abbreviated to J.O, because of the<br>its constitutional status. The State is obliged to ensure its publication for the prompt<br>public information. Any other distribution channel is a matter of knowledge.<br>However, this acquired right is subject to the good faith of the interested party. The law<br>can only be binding on the citizen insofar as he admits to having had knowledge of it from<br>unofficially. The constitutional revision law was sent to the public by<br>public and private press, radio and social networks. But we're not<br>legally obliged to be on the lookout for these communication media. And the<br>which relegates the publication of the J.O. to the background, out of predilection for what<br>the so-called\u00ab <em>emergency procedure<\/em> \u00bbwhich has no constitutional basis,<br>Article 2 of constitutional revision law no. 2026\/002 of April 14, 2016<br>providing that \u00ab <em>This Act shall be registered, published in accordance with the procedure<br>emergency, <strong>then <\/strong>published in the Official Journal in French and English<\/em> \u00bbis a<br>legal practice to decry or a clich\u00e9 of legal laziness to correct. The reason<br>is that the Olympics are a bit of a miasma, something that people talk about but never see.<br>hardly at all, or at least episodically. An impressive range of<br>texts are clandestine, never having been published in any medium.<br>the J.O., following the example of law N\u00b02006\/002 of 29<br>December 2006 on the organization and operation of administrative courts.<br>Cases of administrative failure are legion, indeed almost systematic. In one<br>legal text, the only terminal and relevant mention in the final article is the<br>next, \u00ab <em>this law will be registered and published in the Journal Officiel de la<br>R\u00e9publique, in French and English<\/em> \u00bb. Budget appropriations from<br>compulsory levies, i.e. taxes and duties, are used to cover expenditure.<br>for the rapid printing of the J.O. It is therefore difficult to understand why<br>in which the Journal Officiel is an economic good, characterized by its scarcity.<br>Back to the subject at hand. Amateurism or legal flippancy<br>with which the promulgation is carried out in Cameroon. What is<br>so \u00ab <em>promulgation of laws<\/em> \u00bbIn response to this lame terminology<br>enshrined in the fundamental law?<br>It refers to the act by which the President of the Republic attests to<br>the existence of the law and instructs public authorities to observe and enforce it.<br>observe its content. It is therefore the legal act that <strong>completes<\/strong><br><strong>development <\/strong>the text <strong>exclusively <\/strong>form and substance. Visit<br>promulgation is the final act in the sequenced legislative procedure that <strong>notes<\/strong><br>the regular completion of Parliament's normative process. This leads to<br>that it is indeed distinct from the publication of the law in the Official Journal.<br>J.O. Insertion in the J.O. is a material act or a factual datum. Promulgation<br>is a legal act. Thus, promulgation, an act of law, precedes<br>and conditions publication of the law, a mere material formality.<br>However, the legal nature of the act that serves as the basis for the<br>promulgation. Naturally, Article 26 of the Constitution defines the scope of the<br>law, while 27 prescribes the rest of the field to the regulatory domain of the<br>President of the Republic, except as otherwise provided in article 28, which allows<br>the latter to intervene in the legislative field by means of ordinances duly issued.<br>ratified. The exercise of presidential powers, as in the present case, and<br>once the text has been adopted by parliament, is carried out by the act's bill<br>decisive unilateral administrative decision, and specifically by decree, which is the weapon<br>President of the Republic intervening in his non-legislative domain.<br>Where does it come from, then, that in the Cameroon of legal oddities, the President of the<br>Republic ensures the promulgation of the law, indicated as such in its title, by<br>occurrence \u00ab <em>law no. 2026\/002 of April 14 amending and supplementing certain<br>provisions of the constitution of June 02, 1972 as amended and supplemented by law no.<br>96 \/06 of January 18, 1996 and law n\u00b02008\/01 of April 14, 2008<\/em> \u00bbemerging in the<br>at the bottom of the text previously marked as \u00ab<em> deliberated and adopted by the<br>parliament <\/em>\u00bb ? Has he become a legislator, in the absence of a ratified ordinance, when we note<br>that the affixing of the signature makes it possible to identify the author of the deed.<br>normative? The law is a matter for parliament, of course! the above-mentioned form of<br>promulgation of laws, its <em>instrumentum <\/em>precisely, sheds light on illiteracy<br>that does no honor to Cameroonian public law. We must<br>get out of villagism or legal peasantry as quickly as possible. Only a decree from<br>promulgation accompanies the text deliberated, voted on, adopted and authenticated by the<br>parliament. The common practice which, it must be stressed, permeates our daily lives<br>bastard of legislative production, gives rise to a serious problem of legal non-existence<br>of the pseudo law signed by the President of the Republic. Rules of jurisdiction<br>are a matter of public policy. This is no more and no less than a serious form of<br>incompetence, known in administrative litigation law as usurpation of authority.<br>powers. The legal anomaly arises when a natural person, a public body<br>or private, issues an act in the absence of any legal authorization, written title or<br>customary. The heresy with which the presidential cavalcade intends to rule in the<br>Cameroun encourages us to question the underlying forces.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"h-5-conclusions-sur-le-brouillage-de-la-confiscation-du-pouvoir-en-roue-libre\">5- Conclusions on the freewheeling confiscation of power.<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>Nothing can stop the activation of this hypertrophy of the<br>presidential function. It unfolds blithely without institutional counterweight.<br>The Constitution is customarily revised at will, according to the Prince's wishes, and<br>in violation of everything. The politico-legal cloak surrounding the operations<br>normatrices poorly disguises the determination to instill in weak minds,<br>complicit and consequently resigned, personal power, which would be transmitted under<br>an almost dynastic form. There is only one master aboard the boat<br>Cameroon: the presidential helmsman. His companions ensure his<br>accompaniment. The divisive constitutional revision that is tearing opinion apart<br>fractured, fragmented and shattered, this solitary President doesn't care. What is the<br>understanding of article 5 (new) of the Constitution, which requires him to<br>obligation <em>embodies<\/em>(r) <em>national unity instead of normativism<br>partisanship that falls, unceremoniously, on our heads<\/em> \u00bb ? What about the spirit of the Constitution?,<br>contained in the statements of political doctrine in the preamble, and set out in the following terms<br>of a unitary nation and the building of a homeland based on the ideals of fraternity, peace and justice.<br>justice and progress?<br>A modern state, if it is not managed on an inclusive basis and<br>correlatively consensual, rises, in broad daylight, in all its states in<br>burst! Let's be more explicit in our verbalism. The root cause of<br>the constitutional revision is more instructive than its consequences. Visit<br>His Holiness Pope LEON XIV's African tour of Cameroon provided an opportunity to<br>to kill two birds with one stone. This spiritual authority has, in an unprecedented way, undermined<br>the sensibility of power by reciting a string of sufferings inflicted on the people,<br>following in the footsteps of the endless criticisms that the opposition, civil society<br>and the rare caste of courageous academics have been formulating for ages. Rome<br>erupted without incurring kidnapping and imprisonment in cells served under the title of<br>responses to the use of tyrannized freedom of expression. What's more, what was being whispered<br>on the sly or under the radar, for fear of reprisals from authorities with a reputation to uphold.<br>violent, oppressive and repressive, was confirmed on mondovision.<br>The President of the Republic's physical difficulty in moving around has moved public opinion.<br>CRTV journalists' communication failures corroborate<br>observation, visu, a crime never being perfect: \u00ab <em>it walks alone...it holds<br>standing... fantastic public appearance... we can't hold him<\/em> \u00bb. The youyous of the<br>to the indecent comedy, the very same ones who will return to the<br>their jackets today that won't be tomorrow. This last aspect expresses<br>the mischievous way in which the revision issue is handled<br>constitutional. This manoeuvre is surreptitiously designed to ensure the system's survival.<br>and massively rejected on the occasion of the<br>chaotic election on October 12, 2025. Organizing an a-democratic transition and<br>is the subterranean objective of the institutional reform with the effectiveness<br>questioned. Without democratic legitimacy, a Vice-President appointed by decree<br>can accede to the supreme power, which rests with the will of the people. Running away from<br>popular suffrage makes the State a constantly thickening corpse. We must not<br>presidential elections until 2032 in the event that the President should<br>be definitively prevented. The internal political pass is the soul of this<br>nauseating reform. In this context, it's worth mentioning that the Vice<br>President will carry the functional load that has become burdensome for the<br>optimal physical incapacity to ensure the General Direction of the State. Deafness<br>of power leads to its suicidal progression, which paralyzes the need to reform the<br>reform due to poor form.<br>But should we resign ourselves without acts of resistance? Even in the face of<br>the threat of death, integrate tyranny into his daily life and swallow the fact that the<br>is a sin of l\u00e8se-majest\u00e9 constitutes the worst humiliation that the<br>dictatorial power inflicts on every man of legal sciences<br>aware of its twofold historical responsibility, both here on earth and before it. <em>Deo<\/em>. The<br>scandolousie en crevettonie restores, with the benefit of the developments which<br>The above is a radioscopy of our institutional secretions. The forfeit passes<br>like a letter, in plain sight. And the holder of sovereignty<br>to defend its dignity in the choice of its destiny in the Republic<br>damaged. What do you gain by chosing an entire people by relegating them to the scrap heap of a<br>torchon whose life has been phagocytosed? is there even an ounce of real fear of the<br>his holy scriptures should be able to bring us back to the reason of<br>the insurmountable red line for those in power. The combination of<br>Ecclesiastes 1:2 and 3:1 hammer home the point that all is vanity in time.<br>given to all by God.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>By Professor <strong>Jean Calvin ABA'A OYONO<\/strong> (University of Yaound\u00e9 II)<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>A modern state, if it is not managed on an inclusive basis and<br \/>\ncorrelatively consensual, rises, in broad daylight, in all its states in<br \/>\nburst! Let's be more explicit in our verbalism. The root cause of<br \/>\nla r\u00e9vision constitutionnelle est davantage instructive que ses cons\u00e9quences.<\/p>","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":4208,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_analytify_skip_tracking":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[62,61],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-4205","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-juridique","category-politique"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v26.7 (Yoast SEO v26.8) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>PENSER LA CIME JURIDIQUE DU CAMEROUN PAR-DEL\u00c0 L\u2019AB\u00ceME MANOEUVRIER DES HOMMES - NTV<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Un Etat moderne, faute d\u2019\u00eatre manag\u00e9 sur une base inclusive et corr\u00e9lativement consensuelle, se rel\u00e8ve, au grand jour, dans tous ses \u00e9tats en \u00e9clatement ! Soyons davantage explicite dans le verbalisme. La cause profonde dela r\u00e9vision constitutionnelle est davantage instructive que ses cons\u00e9quences.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/ntvlive.net\/en\/thinking-about-the-legal-top\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"PENSER LA CIME JURIDIQUE DU CAMEROUN PAR-DEL\u00c0 L\u2019AB\u00ceME MANOEUVRIER DES HOMMES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"NTV est la cha\u00eene g\u00e9n\u00e9raliste camerounaise qui diffuse une information fiable, des d\u00e9bats de qualit\u00e9 et une programmation vari\u00e9e refl\u00e9tant les r\u00e9alit\u00e9s du Cameroun. 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